The Revisionist Fallacy in The Japanese Media1-Case Studies of Denial
of Nazi Gas Chambers and NHK's Report on Japanese & Jews Relations
by Takesato Watanabe
Professor of Journalism Department, Doshisha University,
Kyoto 602-8580, Japan
# For Hyoron Shakaikagaku (Social Scienes Review, Doshisha University,
Japan), No. 59, pp.1-45, issued on March 20, 1999.
For its February 1995 issue, Marco Polo, a monthly published by Bungei
Shunju Press Co., featured the article, “The Post-War World's Greatest Taboo:
The Nazi Gas Chambers Never Existed," written by Masanori Nishioka, an internist2).
It did not show any clear evidence to deny an academically proved and universally
accepted fact, and it easily turned out to be a propaganda piece, but the
author's crass challenge to the accepted facts of history promptly provoked
criticism from all circles of society not only in Japan but also of the
The publisher initially fought back by having the then-editor in chif,
Kazuyoshi Hanada, argue that Marco Polo was exercising its right to freedom
of speech. Mr. Hanada-who would go on to assume the editorship of UNO!,
a women's magazine published by The Asahi Shimbun group-added that opposing
views would be allotted equal space in the monthly, though he did not specify
Yet Bungei Shunju was quick to backpedal from its position when human
rights groups of worldwide renown such as the Simon Wiesenthal Center joined
the chorus of censure. It called a press conference and apologised and
then Marco Polo was subsequently discontinued without settling the questions
posed by its own publisher, whose answers serve as a crucial premise in
any rational understanding of the modern world. These are:
One, the validity of assertions denying that the Nazi gas chambers
ever existed; and two, the applicability as well as significance of freedom
of speech in interpreting history. This raised the question about whether
or not the opinion which is not based on the correct information or fully
proven and well accepted facts is permitted in the name of “freedom of speech"
for the mass media.
Throughout its existence, Bungei Shunju has felt the need to publish
anything as long as it either boosts circulation or helps to manipulate
public opinion favorable to the political and economic authorities and powers
by belittling common citizens3). In the Marco Polo debacle, the publisher
outwardly claimed to be the victim, blaming the monthly's demise on the
pressure exerted by advertisers that were controlled by Jewish capital.
As a pretext, it sounds fairly legitimate, and disapproval by advertising
sponsors was no doubt a factor. Yet, analysis of Bungei Shunju periodicals
underscores a point we should always bear in mind: The publisher-as with
Shinchosha, another publishing company in Japan-has maintained strong ties
to the state security apparatus, and those two media firms have often engaged
in the dissemination of government-inspired disinformation to their readership
(Yoshihara, 1977, Saito, 1982 & Kamei, 1983).
Indeed, Bungei Shunju was crafty enough to offer another explanation
for closing down Marco Polo to satisfy those with revisionist or conspiracy
history preferences, knowing that they would not be convinced with the financial
justification alone. In a speech given at a media conference held on June
10, 1996, for example, Bungei Shunju senior managing editor Mitsuyoshi Okazaki
insisted that the Marco Polo article was factual, and described Jewish organizations
of all kinds as “terrorist groups."
Mr. Okazaki further observed: “Marco Polo was not discontinued because
the feature it carried was untrue or due to the subsequent loss in advertising
revenue. The decision was a result of information obtained from a certain
source that Japanese business expatriates may be targeted for terrorist
attacks outside Japan." (I-Media, Vol. 152)
One can only wonder who this “certain source" was. What his statements
do reveal, however, is the unequivocal fact that Bungei Shunju as a company
is capable of duplicitous behavior and constant self-justification.
This paper will examine the emergent trends of historical revisionism-also
known as “historical liberalism" in Japan-found in Germany as well as among
certain elements in my country, Japan that advocate a sweeping denial of
the Holocaust and genocidal gassing. It will also review the fraudulent
nature of and disturbing historical backdrop to such theories in the context
of improving both the media's mission to have a social function and the media
literacy of the general public.
Freedom of Speech in the Media and Socially Accepted Facts
The First Amendment, enacted in 1791, of the American Constitution
was the first written document describing the concept of freedom of speech4).
One of its drafters, Thomas Jefferson, noted, “Given the choice between
government without newspapers or newspapers without government, I would
choose the latter without hesitation." He was convinced that the press should
be unhindered in its criticism of the government, the supreme seat of power
in society, in order to protect the foundations of democracy.
A vast number of news gathering organizations in Japan today are acting
to the contrary, and are quite willing to exploit the principle as a means
to deflect any criticism directed at them. At the same time, freedom of
speech in the truest sense represents the doctrinary and ethical mandate
to prevent both violations of human rights and the dissemination of inaccurate
It was an act of frenzied commercialism, not freedom of speech, when
the press, acting only on leaks provided by law enforcement officials, wrongly
accused Yoshiyuki Kono of perpetrating the sarin nerve gas attack which
took place in Matsumoto City, Nagano, Japan in June 1994. An abundance
of similar instances can be found in articles published in periodicals like
Shinchosha weeklies Shukan Shincho and Focus that have exposed Mr. Kono's
family lineage as the source of “the crime", the private life of a murdered
woman worker of a public utility, and photographs of a juvenile then suspected
of the homicide of another minor. By feeding the base curiosities of their
audience, the Japanese media unquestionably aids and abets the state in its
intrinsic proclivity toward obscurantism.
Press criticism of those in power, given the media's fundamental function
to provide the basic tools to assist the public in making sound judgements
as members of society, must be composed of impeccable truths and facts.
It is vital that the media-generated information encourage people to participate
in building a better society. These are the conditions for what should constitute
media accountability as it serves the public's right to know.
The Holocaust, including the massacre of non-Aryans other than Jews,
from political dissenters and the mentally ill to homosexuals, Jehovah's
witnesses and others,is a proven enough historical event. And because how
we look at such events critically influences our understanding of human history,
the deliberate distortion and falsification of facts which pertain to these
events cannot be tolerated.
Facts can generally be classified under the following categories:
First, facts of indisputable nature, the acceptance of which is fundamental
in forming rational perspectives on science and society. These include
mathematical principles like one and one makes two, and information such
as Tokyo being Japan's current capital, or that atomic bombs were dropped
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The second category of facts are those open to a variety of interpretation
and argument, among them being the relationship between Article 9 of the
Japanese Constitution and the Self-Defense Forces, or the efficacy of single-seat
constituencies in a democracy, for example.
The Nazi massacre of Jews through gassing is an unequivocal fact proven
by reliable documentation, testimonials and a vast volume of detailed academic
research such as The Annihilation of European Jews, by Raul Hilberg (original,
1961 and Japanese edition, 1998). Therefore one comes to the conclusion
that any attempt to distort or deny the fact has nothing to do with the exercise
of the freedom of speech.
The first edition of Hilberg's book was published in 1961. The Japanese
translation is the latest, specially-revised edition for it. In their commentary,
the translators write: “This work is widely recognized as one of the foremost
studies on the Holocaust. It has not, however, merited much political plaudit
in Israel as it touches upon the loss of moral behavior on the part of the
Jewish Council leadership-namely, the `cooperation' certain Jews extended
to the Nazis out of want to survive. Readers will find in this book a determined
will to reveal historical truths." In particular, Chapter Nine “Extermination
Camps" and Appendix B “Jewish Death Statistics" serve as incontrovertible
evidence that the Nazi-perpetrated Holocaust actually occurred.
Why then could the refutation of such historical truths possibly emerge
so frequently and rampantly? Let us first analysis the structure of the
Holocaust and then review the background and mechanism of these revisionistic
trends in the following paragraphs.
Motives for the Jewish Massacre
Two causes were instrumental in the attempt at genocide: One was Hitler's
perverse preoccupation with the idea of Aryan supremacy and institution
of policies legalizing discrimination against Jews. The second was triggered
by the growing Nazi fear of Jewish reprisals as the fortunes of war began
to shift toward the Allies.
In Mein Kampf (Volume 1, 1925), Hitler, in comparing Jews to Aryans,
dehumanized the former by noting that they “are nothing more than parasites
that invariably leech off another race. . . They were sometimes expelled
by the races they abused. Yet their proliferation is a phenomenon typically
found in all parasites. They are constantly seeking a new body to leech
off for the sake of the survival of their own race." (Japan's Kadokawa Bunko
edition, Vol. 1, p.434)
The systematic slaughter of Jewish population in Europe is a historical
reality that took place between 1933, when Hitler was appointed chancellor
of the Weimar Republic, and his suicide in 1945. It was this fact that
led German President Weizsacker, in his 1985 address to parliament commemorating
the 40th anniversary of Germany's defeat, to reflect upon the horrific errors
of the past committed by his country. After expressing profound contrition
for the “six million Jews who perished in concentration camps" and “countless"
of other minorities and dissenters who were killed by the Nazis, the president
went on to urge the establishment of lasting global peace.
Moreover, it is precisely because the Holocaust had begun to occur
that Chiune Sugihara, at the time deputy consul of the Japanese consulate
in Lithuania, had issued visas to some 6,000 Jews in August and September
1940(Hilberg, 1961). Those who applied feared for their lives following
the Nazi invasion of Poland, which Germany and the Soviet Union had secretly
agreed to partition. Soviet authorities demanded Sugihara leave Lithuania,
annexed earlier by the Soviet Union, while Japanese Foreign Minister Yosuke
Matsuoka repeatedly refused to respond to Sugihara's correspondence (as documented
by the telegraphs he received from the Ministry on August 14 and 16 in 19405)).
In spite of this most trying of circumstances, Sugihara felt compelled
to act against the Foreign Ministry's wishes and continued to approve transit
visas to Jews out of humanitarian reasons. Had those Jews not been truly
alarmed, they most certainly would not have fled the advancing Nazis halfway
around the world, from Europe on through Siberia and the Pacific. Indeed,
many of those who were unable to obtain visas were subsequently murdered-further
proof that the Holocaust's net of butchery was cast far and wide.
Japan concluded the anti-communism agreement with Nazi Germany in 1936
and that was one of the causes for the Japanese government not to officially
permit Sugihara's repeated requests.
In spite of these facts many articles and reports which are not based
upon academically approved documents and logic often appear in the Japanese
media, and whenever the media are criticized on these cases they say that
they have the right to “freedom of speech and expression."6）
Historical Revisionism of NHK TV Education's “Views and Opinions"
For its “Views and Opinions" (Shiten-Ronten『視点・論点』) program of April
29, 1998, NHK Educational Channel 3 (Japanese Public Television, Educational)
featured a commentary by Professor Shoichi Watanabe of Sophia University.
Entitled “A New Perspective on the Relationship Between the Japanese and
Jews,"7) the broadcast, as the following summary of its contents makes clear,
paints a highly revisionist assessment of historical truth. It should also
be pointed out that NHK's timing was equally suspect: The show was aired
on the day Emperor Showa whose image is often seen in books, articles, TV
programs, etc. was born. I will refer to this matter later.
Among the more erroneous propositions cited by the commentator were:
One. Japan was never party to practices of racial discrimination since
World War I.
Two. In contrast to the governments of Britain and the United States in
World War II, Japan did not adopt discriminatory measures toward the Jewish
Three. The issuing of transit visas for several thousands of Jewish refugees
issued by Chiune Sugihara8), then Deputy Consul of the Japanese Consulate
in Lithuania, was done under the instructions of the Japanese Foreign Ministry.
Four. Prominent Jewish businesses-owners and their group (zaibatsu), and
Jewish academicians have yet to emigrate to Japan because of its heavy tax
burden, so revisions to the Japanese tax system should therefore be made
to encourage such emigration.
Japan's wartime government was manifestedly unsympathetic to the plight
of non-Japanese. But in this commentary broadcast by NHK, Professor Shoichi
Watanabe made a number of statements to the contrary. These assertions
are clearly erroneous and among the most blatant was: Mr. Sugihara issued
transit visas to numerous Jews at the direction of the Foreign Ministry.
As for the first premise, one need only to review the treatment of
the local populace in the colonized Korean peninsula and China by the Japanese
Imperial Army to reject it.
The second one is false because Jewish people from around the world
settled in the U. S. in great numbers, while Japan merely issued transit visas.
In reality, the Japanese government, under pressure from Nazi Germany as
well as its own military, had come to view the Jews as a diplomatic nuisance.
The third assertion is also groundless: Mr. Sugihara issued the visas
in Lithuania out of personal conviction and a sense of responsibility, in
spite of Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka's repeated rejections by telegraph.
Ample documentation from that period has survived to prove the government's
unwillingness to issue visas to Jewish refugees who fled from Poland. And
also there is another fact to prove this, that the then Prime Minister of
Japan Kiichi Miyazawa officially apologized in the Japanese Diet in 1992,
for railroading Mr. Sugihara into resigning after the war because he disobeyed
ministerial instruction not to issue the visa at Lithuania. And in addition
Parliamentary Vice Foreign Minister Muneo Suzki, after Miyazawa's speech,
went to see Mrs. Sugihara and apologized for the misdeed of the Japanese
The fourth premise is simply ludicrous. Professor Shoichi Watanabe
not only characterizes successful Jews in a stereotypical fashion so that
their main concern is money and the notion that things should be changed merely
for appearances' sake is inimical to the interests of both Jews and Japanese.
Such a way of thinking also makes mockery of now universally accepted principles
such as genuine global harmony, peace and human equality.
As the transcript reveals (see Note: 7), Professor Shoichi Watanabe's
point of view is nothing less than an attempt to rewrite history. So I
have urged NHK, which is ultimately accountable for the contents aired on
its broadcast, to provide a viable counterpoint at the very least (May 16,
1998). Yet they seek to shirk the issue entirely by responding that “NHK
cannot be responsible for the televised comments because it was not involved
its research nor production." (June 5, 1998)
Such facts reveal that this historical revisionism by NHK (Japanese
governmental TV) is closely related to other types of historical revisionism
like the denial of Nazi Gas Chambers, the Nankin Massacre by the Japanese
military, appraisal of Hideki Tojo as a humanist and as a hero who protected
Japanese emperor system etc., often appearing in the Japanese mass media,
behind which I find some joint movements to manipulate Japanese public opinion.
When I took issue with Professor Watanabe's statements by requesting
NHK to air a rebuttal, Satoshi Horiguchi of the network's Commentary Committee
replied in writing after consulting with his superior, who consulted with
NHK President Katsuji Ebisawa himself. He essentially rejected my request,
noting that NHK could neither refute a commentator's viewpoint nor be held
responsible for the contents of the program it broadcasts. This response
is the one which almost all academics of media and communication studies
surely find difficult to comprehend9). This answer is completely wrong especially
in the understanding and daily practices of “editorial right".
I say so because the Japanese Broadcast Law defines the responsibilities
of broadcasters for the programs they air (Article 1, Purposes) and in addition
Article 4.2, revised in 1997, holds a network responsible for broadcasts
that violate the human rights of individuals or airs fraudulent information:
“When a broadcaster finds untruthful items in its broadcasts, it shall air
a correction or retraction within two days of their discovery with the facilities
equivalent to the one used in the original broadcast in an appropriate manner."
Nevertheless, a recent Japanese film, “Pride-The Fateful Moment," (produced
Toei Movie Co. in 1998) thoroughly denied the fact that the Rape of Nanking
took place. Revisionist theories like those embraced by Professor Watanabe
were woven into the script, primarily because the film's production committee
chairman, Hideaki Kase, has long asserted, as has the Sophia professor,
that the war in the Pacific had contributed to the emancipation of Asian
countries from the yoke of western imperialism such as that of the UK and
France. Subscribers to such views contemptuously denigrate pacifist theories
anchored to the facts of history as a form of “historical masochism."
Therefore particular concern should be paid to the extensive network
and deeply-rooted motives that drive historical revisionists (historical
liberalists) and their supporters in Japan. These people are powerful enough
not only to produce a full-length feature film, but exploit a public television
broadcast, to further their ends, which is proved by the analysis of this
To return to the Holocaust, then: Hitler's program of mass murder was
one of the most destructive and insensate acts in human history. The systematic
killing through gassing was the culmination of policies implemented by the
Third Reich that began with the enactment of the anti-semitic Nuremberg
Law in 1935. Gas chambers were built not only in Nazi-occupied territory,
but in Germany as well: Sachsenhausen, Neuengamme, Ravensbruck, Stutthof
and Mauthausen are all infamous as killing fields on German soil (Hilberg,
Special Edition for Japan, 1998).
A veritable library of documentation have been amassed which conclusively
proves that the gas chambers at such concentration camps as Auschwitz-Birkenau
were designed, constructed and utilized for the sole purpose of perpetrating
genocide(Bastian, 1994). Testimonies of those who collaborated in the gassing
of prisoners are available in an abundance of published literature, including
Shoah. Other documents from gas chamber blueprints and their construction
budgets to construction journals kept by contractors, have also been discovered
by Holocaust scholars such as Till Bastian. Needless to say, Raul Hilberg,
Till Bastian and other researchers have thoroughly rebutted the specious
arguments of historical revisionists.
The Nazi Gassing Massacre
The Nazis employed two methods of gassing. One was to load Jews on
to a truck with a hermetically-sealed cargo compartment and asphyxiate them
with exhaust fumes. It was originally used in German-occupied territories
of the former Soviet Union. The other method involves the cyanide gas,
Zyklon-B, and the gas chamber (Hilberg, 1961 & Ruby, 1995).
In the initial phases of the Holocaust, Jews were primarily shot to
death. But Nazi officers found it inefficient; in fact, the volume of shed
blood drove some executioners neurotic and so the use of exhaust fumes followed.
The latter avoided bleeding and the need for bullets. It allowed a greater
number of people to be killed, and the corpses could be conveniently trucked
away for disposal immediately following execution. It was the method of
choice at Auschwitz until September 3, 1941, when Zyklon-B, developed by
a typhus & pest-control company, was first used in Block No. 11 (Bogusz,
The systematic mass murder by gassing and the disposal of corpses through
cremation were carried out in the following manner:
“Vast numbers of innocent people were packed so tightly that they were
falling atop one another. . . Ten minutes after the doors had been shut,
the temperature inside rose to an appropriate level for cyanide gas to vaporize.
. . Zyklon-B, or cyanide gas soaked in diatomite at a 20 percent concentrate,
was used for this act of German barbarism." (Ruby, 1995)
The writings left by Rudolf Hoss, who directed the killings at Auschwitz,
provide detailed figures of the deaths by Zyklon-B (Hoss, 1963). For an
idea of the quantity of nerve gas produced, the Polish Medical Association
reported that 19,000 kilograms of Zyklon-B was supplied to Auschwitz, according
to the records of the manufacturer, the Tesch and Stubenow Company of Dessau.
Jozef Bogusz writes that, “non-Aryans were exterminated as vermin."
The use and distribution of Zyklon-B was supervised in this way:
“SS doctors. . . observed the gassing through a peephole in the chamber
door, one which the gas could not leak through. The door was opened only
after the doctors signaled that all the victims were dead. Every SS doctor
attached to the concentration camps took part in this operation. SS doctors
delivered Zyklon-B on ambulances painted with red crosses with the help of
medical orderlies of the SDG (the Nazi intelligence agency). . . SS commander
Dr. Ernst Robert van Kravitz supervised the allocation of the gas to each
concentration camp." (Bogusz, 1962)
The Fallacy of Historical Revisionists
The position of historical revisionists especially concerning the Holocaust
may be summarized as:
One, there were no gas chambers at Auschwitz;
Two, the Holocaust never occurred; and
Three, the argument that six million Jews were killed is a product of a
superbly crafted and orchestrated disinformation campaign by Israel and its
These three points have been fully refuted. I believe the first and
second are blatant contradictions to established fact. My position on the
third is this: While the Holocaust and attempted genocide of the Jews by
Hitler regime definitely took place, and although the ultimate toll of victims
may well have reached six million, it could be argued that it may be a little
smaller than that and that not all deaths were attributable to gassing.
My view is predicated on a number of reasons:
First, the Third Reich paid fastidious attention to conference minutes
and terminology so as to leave no direct documentation of the Holocaust.
Second, not much physical substantiation remained because the Nazis burned
what documents existed that linked them to their crimes, and destroyed the
gas chambers as well as incinerators, just as the Imperial Headquarters
of Japan and Unit 731, which conducted chemical and bacteriological experiments
on Allied prisoners of war in China, did immediately prior to Japan's defeat.
Third, since other countries do not maintain as meticulous registration
records of the population as Japan, it is all the more so for foreigners in
a foreign country, as many Jews found themselves to be at the time when they
were unable to give precise figures of the Jewish populace who were murdered
by the Nazis. A similar instance can be found in the massacre of several
thousand Korean residents in Japan by the local population after the 1923
earthquake in the Tokyo area.
Fourth, the number of deaths at Auschwitz was placed at 1.5 million people
in 1994, a reduction reflecting a natural tendency of victims to overstate
their predicament, something which might occur for other camps in the future.
Fifth, the victimized party invariably seeks to extract the maximum political
advantage from their grievance. The existence of Jewish collaborators as
revealed by Hilberg was intentionally suppressed, thereby helping to undermine
the Jewish cause in the eyes of suspicious revisionists.
Lastly, when the Soviet Union recaptured German-occupied territory,
it confiscated numerous documents related to the Holocaust. When Poland became
a Soviet satellite, Soviet propagandists took great liberty with the severity
of Nazi atrocities committed in that country to further their own political
According to a 1995 study by Luby, based on documents returned to Poland
and Germany after the Soviet Union's collapse, 5.46 million people were
imprisoned in Nazi concentration camps, and a total of 4.34 million perished
in them, a mortality rate of 79.45 percent. It stands that the number of
those who were gassed to death in the camps would be less than these figures,
and a fairly large part of the deaths was caused by the diseases from terrible
living conditions in the camps. A more convincing estimate may be to put
the death toll by gassing at more than one million, though there is obviously
no moral difference between one million and four million in that they both
constitute genocide. Moreover, a lower figure would in no way inhibit the
veracity and tragedy of the Holocaust.
I argue about the number of gassing deaths because the Israeli government
along with the United Kingdom and United States, who have supported the
young nation on the issue of Palestine, has obviously exaggerated Nazi atrocities
as a political tool to gain international recognition for the state of Israel.
The former Soviet Union also benefited in that its struggle against fascism
helped it to secure a leadership role in the postwar socialist bloc. That
the Kremlin did so by making wildly exaggerated claims about Nazi barbarism
still serves as cause for criticism from historical revisionists and “hate-criminals".10)
Not that propaganda activities and orchestration of historical facts
are rare. They have been employed in issues as diverse and divisive as
Palestine and Cambodia in the past as well as present. I once estimated
the number of Cambodians willfully killed by the Khmer Rouge regime to be
several hundred thousand, excluding those who died of starvation and illness11).
Yet newspaper correspondents like Kazuhisa Ikawa (then a member of the Asahi
Shimbun editorial board), who sided with Socialist Vietnam in the clash
between the nations, filed sensationalistic dispatches of Khmer Rouge atrocities.
One of his reports tells that the “plains of Cambodia are filled with the
remains of massacre victims", in spite of the fact that even an amount of
corpses equal to the entire population of the world could not fill it.
Propaganda, obviously, is not a tool wielded just by Israel and its
supporters, but any one with power tries to do it so as to gain more support
from others and to keep its power in any form. And of course there are several
more reasons that such a historical revisionism repeatedly appears in the
In present day Japan the term “social information" is gaining circulation
in the revisionist lexicon. It purportedly defines a set of informational
values which stand apart from the empirical facts as established by natural
science, and interpreted to transcend ideology in the post-modern sense.
It also lends theoretical credence to the revisionist argument that denies
the Nazi gas chambers, the Rape of Nanking and the fallacy that there were
no mistakes in the policies during the period of Showa Emperor Hirohito.
The problem is that many of those who adhere to the tenets of social
information are eventually co-opted by the holders of political and economic
power. Their interpretation of the concept helps rationalize their flawed
justifications, and ultimately prods them to seek the revision of history.
Such belief, however, has already been confuted. I thus define social information
as public information required to build a society founded on civil sovereignty.
Everyone who denies the existence of Nazi gassing seems to rely upon
the Roichter Report, no matter how solidly substantiated the counter-argument
may be. Their denial may be theoretically possible because a portion of
a chamber wall did not contain traces of Zyklon-B after being tested 44 years
later. But it is extremely illogical. If that kind of logic is permitted,
one may as well insist that witnesses were hallucinating or that existing
documents were thoroughly misinterpreted.
It would be like telling those who experienced the atomic destruction
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that they could not have seen what actually happened
because they had to have shut their eyes at the critical instant. The moment
of detonation is not the issue. The United States did develop a nuclear
weapon and loaded it on a B-29 dubbed the “Enola Gay"; it then took off from
Tenyan Base, dropped the bomb on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 and on Nagasaki
three days later and more than 200,000 people were killed as a consequence.
One does not require witnesses at the very moment of detonation to affirm
that American atomic bombs were used to destroy Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Japanese “Historical Liberalism" and Its Supporting Network
Now in Japan the “Society for Historical Liberalism" (Jiyushugi-shikan
Kenkyu Kai) led by Tokyo University Professor Nobukatsu Fujioka, and the
“Society to Make New History Textbooks" (Atarasii Rekishi Kyokasho wo Tsukuru
Kai) led by Tokyo Denki Tsushin University Professor Kanji Nishio, are two
major organs of historical liberalism and one of the leading figures of the
latter, a comics' writer who is influential among the young, named Yoshinori
Kobayashi admits here the existence of the Holocaust by the Nazi but he tries
to justify the last war of aggression at any cost:
“Nazi-Germany waged war against European countries and in addition
it was carrying out the Holocaust against Jews. The genocide should be
criticized as a crime against humanity... Japan was involved in the war
just as the USA, the UK, France, the Soviet Union and Holland were, but
our war was to liberate Asian countries from yokes of those white peoples.
And Japan committed war crimes as those countries did, concluded peace and
paid reparations as a country. Japan's compensation for it is already over
but still there are some insane Japanese who repeatedly refer to the cruel
deeds of the past committed by the Japanese military..." (Kobayashi “A,"
Kobayashi even tells a lie, which is clear from the chapter we have
seen from the analysis of the NHK program “Views and Opinions":
“Anti-Japan mass media deny the Sankei Shimbun Report (March 30, 1998)
and spread conventional propaganda that Chiune Sugihara issued visas by
his own will, but actually there was official document named “Countermeasures
against Jews" stating that Japan would not segregate Jews, and there were
not any telegrams against the Sugihara's deed..." (Kobayashi “A", 1998,
We can easily understand these people's way of misinforming the readers
-and how illogical they are- when Kobayashi even says the following:
“The Jewish scientists from Germany who sought asylum in the United
States thought that the US should develop the atomic bomb earlier than the
Nazis, but they have never referred to Germany as the target of the bomb.
. . The target of it was Japan from the beginning. . . Those scientists and
the US government had to use the bomb on the Japanese who were just like yellow
monkeys for them...and the US used tactics intentionally blurring the treatment
of the imperial system so as to earn time to use the A-bomb over Japan...
Japan saved twenty thousand Jews but they helped the US make atomic bombs
and massacred so many Japanese at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. . . and so it is
completely unreasonable for the US, which massacred Japanese as an experiment,
and the US and China having such terrible weapons, criticize Japanese war
responsibility" (Kobayashi “A" 1998, pp. 337-338).
Kobayashi also praises the will and deeds of Japanese soldiers who
died believing in “Hakkoichiu" (八紘一宇) where sokoku (祖国・home-country), kyodo
(郷土・home-land), kazoku (家族・family), and Tenno (天皇・Emperor) are respected.
It is OK to respect “home-country, home-land and family" but he should know
that all of these three actually became victims of the last key word “emperor."
With such erroneous logic and understanding of history Kobayashi and others
gathered under the flag of historical liberalism criticize the contents
of current school history textbooks and are very eager to change them.
Japanese school textbooks from elementary school to senior high school
are institutionally checked by the Ministry of Education and as a result
of this, although it may seems for us that the descriptions of the wrong
doings of past Japanese militarism are not adequate, the group of Fujioka,
Nishio and Kobayashi etc. with the help of the Japanese conservative power
elite, have put pressure on the Education Ministry even to delete some expression
on things such as the Nanjing Massacre, the Japanese invasion of China and
other Asian countries or the massacre of thousands of Koreans in the chaos
of the Kanto Earthquake around the Tokyo Area in 1923. Moreover they refer
to the last incident saying that in the midst of the massacre a Japanese
police station chief named Tsunekichi Ohkawa saved three hundred Koreans
kept in the station from the people wanting to kill them (Fujioka, 1996,
pp.126-128), and try to emphasize the good nature of Japanese character.
Now we have fully understood that Japanese historical revisionists
assert only one side of the historical incident and disregard or sometimes
even neglect the main facts of the case so as to rationalize anything in
the past from a point of view that does not damage the good reputation of
the Showa Emperor Hirohito.
According the to Simon Wiesenthal Center, the various components of
the ideology of Holocaust denial include: German nationalism, neo-Nazism,
anti-communism, anti-Zionism and anti-semitism. Deniers subscribe to an ideological
framework, which contains at least three components:
1. racial determinism (i.e., biological race determines culture, intellectual
capacity and moral worth);
2. the doctrine of White superiority;
3. the rehabilitation of Nazism and its leaders.
（A Simon Wiesenthal Center Report, 1994, p.7）
Any modern country has some social element of ultra-nationalism or
right-wing extremists and the above mentioned analysis might be applied
to Japanese historical liberalism and revisionism but we should also take
notice that the characteristic of the Japanese case is that the central core
of society itself, economic and political, is involved, or, dare I say that
they are leading the movement from behind, because they want to escape public
criticism on their war responsibility, which might be proved through the
analysis of the prospectus and the list of supporters of their organization
and their movements.
A group of people who are gathered together under the flag of “Historical
Liberalism" (Jiyushugi-shikan) held a press conference on December 2nd,
1996 and made an appeal for the necessity of to improve school textbooks
about Japanese history and started their activities by organizing the “Society
To Make A New Textbook of Japanese History" on January 30th, 1997. The purpose
of the society is that “history school textbooks at present are based on
the view of class struggles and they see history only from the view point
of people who have resisted rulers and, especially in recent times, they
tell about the so-called sex-slaves of wars and Nanjing Massacre as if they
were facts... The textbooks we make intend to give a self-portrait of Japan
and the Japanese in the global view with decency and balance. . . and to
make children to have confidence and responsibility, and contribute to world
peace and prosperity." And it also states that “If the present history
education in Japan continues, our children and grandchildren might lose their
homeland and suffer hard experiences of a people without a country."
Officials of the Society To Make A New Textbook of Japanese History
as of November 1998 are: Kanji Nishio (President, Professor of Tokyo Denki
University), Nobukatsu Fujioka (Vice President, Professor of Tokyo University),
Ita Namikawa (Vice President, Commentator of Nippon Broadcasting Co.), Susumu
Nishibe (Trustee, Former Professor of Tokyo University and Chief Editor of
Hatsugensha monthly at present), Tadashi Koga (Supervisory Auditor, President
of Toho Rayon Co.).
The list of members, which numbers 6,964 as of October 1998, of the
Society includes: Takeshi Inagaki (Former Editorial Staff of Asahi Shimbun),
Rokuro Ishikawa (Honorary President of Kajima Construction Co.), Hisahiko
Okazaki (Former Japanese Ambassador to Thailand and Former Bureau Chief of
Information and Research of the Japanese Foreign Ministry), Daizo Kusayanagi
(Commentator), Kentaro Hayashi (Former President of Tokyo University), Keitaro
Hasegawa (Commentator), Hirotatsu Fujiwara (Former Professor of Meiji University)
Any campaign taking place in the society beyond the size of face-to-face
communication needs the mass media without exception and here too The Sankei
Shimbun Newspaper Company supports this movement and has decided even to
publish their textbooks through their affiliated publishing company Fusosha
Press. According to Yoshinori Kobayashi, already more than 200,000 people
reserved the textbooks. It is important here to keep in mind that this Sankei
Shimbun always appear as the supporter of the right-wing extremists from
the media side: to give one example, its morning edition of March 30th 1998,
reported that “Chiue Sugihara issued visas to the Polish Jews in Lithuania
by the directive of Japanese Foreign Ministry, which clearly shows the fact
that The Sankei, the Japanese historical liberalists including Sophia University
professor Shoichi Watanabe, the producer of “Pride" Hideaki Kase, and Yoshinori
Kobayashi etc. are closely connected in their undemocratic beliefs.
Democracy in the framework of our modern age is denied in this movement:
Kanji Nishio, President, told in his speech of the symposium with Nobukatsu
Fujioka, Yoshinori Kobayashi and others held in Tokyo on June 30th 1997
that his group also considers the drawbacks of democracy, questions it in
the belief that democracy is not always the best political system and says
so in their new textbooks (Kobayashi “B," 1998, p.39). This way of understanding
of democracy is so dangerous, though I myself admit present democracy is
not perfect. As any person is fundamentally equal, on which idea democracy
is based, and he or she can speak with the same human rights, which brought
about the parliamentary system when the size of the society became bigger
than that possible by direct human-talks. One of the characteristics of
this group's idea is to deny the validity of direct democracy even when it's
about settling the problems of community environment, which means that they
do not believe in the wisdom and power of the people.
Another characteristic of their movement, as we have seen, is re-evaluation
of the imperial system and the the emperor. As many researches and surveys
done in Japan show, the Japanese power structure acquires its legitimacy
through the imperial system, which is always depicted in the media as favorably
as possible so as to gain the support of the people. Such a media technique,
always revealing its pro-imperium, extreme right-wing notions of historical
revisionism, can be examined in a concrete case through the life of Ryuzo
Sejima, perhaps one of Japan's more powerful postwar figures, whose influence
predates the war:
Sejima, born in Toyama prefecture in 1911, was a graduate of the Imperial
Army's military academy and distinguished himself as a staff officer in
the Japanese expeditionary forces occupying China. With Japan's capitulation
in 1945, he was interned as a prisoner of war in Mongolia and Siberia for
11 years in total. After his repatriation to Japan, Sejima was employed
by the trading conglomerate C. Itoh Corporation, and quickly rose through
its ranks, ultimately serving as its chairman. Corporate success also spelled
growing political clout: he served on a number of high-profile state commissions,
including those seeking to reform the Japanese educational, administrative
and fiscal systems, and gained considerable prominence for his de facto
leadership of them. His wartime connections with fellow officers are believed
to have played a major, albeit covert, role in the successful conclusion
of Japan's war reparation negotiations with South Korea and Indonesia (Kyodo
News Agency, 1996). At present, he acts as a special advisor to C. Itoh
and chairs the Inamori Foundation (founded by Kazuo Inamori, chief executive
of Kyocera Corporation). Sejima also serves as the chief lay representative
of Nishi-Hongan-ji Temple, one of Japan's oldest Buddhist sects, which also
shows the strong relations between Japanese mainstream religion and the imperial
Interviewed by a newspaper, Sejima noted the following on religion
“There isn't any contradiction in my religious beliefs and my duty
as a citizen to execute war. The teachings of Shinran, known as the founder
of Jodo Shinshu School of Buddhism, have become part of my body and soul,
just as eating three meals a day is part of life. Likewise, I see no discrepancy
between my faith and my postwar duties in the service of my trading company
and government." (The Kyoto Shimbun, July 21, 1998, evening edition)
The ties that link Japan's established religious sects to the power
structure are as abstruse yet meaningful as they are historical. Higashi-Hongan-ji,
for instance, also subscribes to Jodo Shinshu, and therefore is closely
affiliated in religious doctrine with Nishi-Hongan-ji, whose parish Sejima
represents. The wife of Higashi-Hongan-ji's chief priest is the younger
sister of the deceased emperor. Another example is the Tendai sect, perhaps
the earliest Buddhist school of thought to be imported to Japan. Because
its priests were dispatched under imperial patronage to China to study Buddhism
more than ten centuries ago, the sect has traditionally been among the staunchest
supporters of the Imperial Family. To this day, the sect reports to the Imperial
Household Agency whenever its disciples successfully undergo its most rigorous
esoteric practice Sennichi-Kaiho, and the agency in turn issues certificates
recognizing their success.
The Tendai and the Hongan-ji sects, the latter ironically founded as
an instrument of social reform by Shinran for the sake of the masses, asserting
that neither good nor evil acts should deny individuals the right to enter
paradise, are but two illustrations of religion's intimacy with the imperial
system. Even those who once opposed the power structure are eventually
co-opted. The idealistic young disciples of Sen-no-Rikyu, who founded the
tea ceremony cult to which they belonged, literally staked their lives resisting
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, whose Shogunate unified Japan and later led its first
invasion of the Korean Peninsula at the end of the 15th century. Yet the
descendants of their cult are now part of the privileged elite, having married
into the imperial family.
There remains in Japan today an age-old social dynamic: association
with the imperial system consolidates one's standing in society. As do countless
of other Japanese institutions in want of recognition, the Inamori Foundation,
which ranks among the largest of its kind, funded by JY20 billion (some
$160 million) from Kazuo Inamori's private coffers, invites a member of
the Imperial Family for its annual endowment ceremony. The ritual is virtually
repeated at every major public event worthy of note. The dynamic is equally
conspicuous and influential through the alumni of Gakushuin University,
the prestigious teaching grounds of the Imperial Family, and its affiliated
This framework was kept intact even after the Japanese defeat in World
War II, when the Allied Occupation under instruction of the U.S. government
adopted a policy absolving Emperor Hirohito of his complicity in the war
so as to facilitate its control over the country. The decision prefaced the
preservation of the imperial system in postwar Japan, and with it the system's
deeply rooted influence over Japanese social life including religion. That
the two remain viable and inter-linked can be seen in the 1997 Ministry of
Education directive mandating the singing of the national anthem, with its
lyrics of adulation for the emperor, in all elementary and middle schools.
And in here the linkage between Sejima's group and historical liberalists
who assert that the imperial system and democracy coexist is completed.
Needless to say, all of these make so big a difference in creating barriers
of understanding between Japanese and those of other Asian countries which
were invaded by Japan during the last war (Konaka, 1997).
What is of critical importance here is for the Japanese to discern
that those in power are quietly weaving a fabric of disinformation as evidenced
by the revisionist attempts as mentioned earlier to thwart citizens from
exercising their right to govern and therefore enable the powerful to maintain
their hold on power. These revisionists are “Goyo-bunkajin" or “Goyo-gakusha"
who sell themselves to gain benefits from power and we must constantly remind
ourselves to improve our media literacy, the ability to critically analyze
information generated by the media conglomerates and use the media as the
tool for the benefit of the people, so that we can participate in the policymaking
process in this Age of Information by strengthening the lateral links of
communication between concerned citizens.
１） This article was originally prepared for a monthly “The Daisan-Bunmei",
September 1998 Issue and was later revised for the speech at the Simon Wiesenthal
Center at Los Angeles on October 27, 1998.
２） Nishioka, Masanori revised his article and published a book entitled
“Truth of Gas Chambers of Auschwitz", Nisshinhodo, 1997．西岡昌紀『アウシュウイッツ「ガス室」の真実』日新報道，1997年．After
the Marco Polo issue, Aiji Kimura published a book entitled “Points To Be
Discussed About Auschwitz", Liberuta Press, 1995 which also denies the Nazi
Gas Chambers together with the Holocaust and even Genocide．木村愛二『アウシュヴィッツの争点』リベルタ出版，1995年．And
both Nishioka and Kimura are cooperating to denounce the facts of Auschwitz.
And recently this Aiji Kimura translated Roger Garaudy's “Les Mythes fondateurs
de la politique israelienne" into Japanese asロジェ・ガロディ，木村愛二訳『偽イスラエル神話』，れんが書房新社，1998,
which denies not only the existence of Nazi-Gas Chamber but also other activities
of The Third Reich, and for whose publication the author was prosecuted
and found guilty in France.
３） One of the typical examples of this is the negative campaign by The
Shukan Bunshun(Weekly Bunshun) November 19th 1998 issue, which is criticizing
Naoto Kan, the political opposition party leader for his scandal with his
girl friend. The Bunshun spent five months to write the scandal, which
should have been treated as a private matter between the two of them or
discussed among the three including his wife. The Shukan Shincho (Shinchosha's
weekly) has the same nature and it once reported about the victims of The
Minamata disease as the pseudo patients seeking for only compensation money
through the battle in the court. It also wrote an extensive article, in
July 1994, on Mr. Yoshiyuki Kouno's family background titled, “The Bizarre
Family Tree where the Poisonous Gas incident had its origin." And Mr. Kouno
and his family's privacy were thus violated, and the public was led to believe
that he was an indiscriminate murderer until the March 1995 Tokyo subway
gas attack made clear that he was, in fact, an innocent victim.
４） Amendment One of the Constitution of the United States of America
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech,
or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to
petition the Government for a redress of grievances.
５） The telegraph to Chiune Sugihara from Japanese Foreign Minister Yosuke
Matsuoka dated August 14th, 1940 tells:
Re: Transit Visa For Sixteen Jews Who Emigrate to Latin America:
Concerning the matter of the stay of the above mentioned Jewish group
in Japan I will discuss after they arrive in Japan. And I will request
you to note that only those who can get such visas should be limited to
those who have visas to the destination. The Japanese Immigration Office
will not permit even the landing of them on Japan to those who do not possess
such visas through due process.
The telegraph to Chiune Sugihara from Japanese Foreign Minister Yosuke
Matsuoka dated August 16th, 1940 tells:
Re: How To Treat Refugees
There are some who do not have enough money or who do not have entry
visas for the USA or Canada as the destination, among the Lithuanians to
whom you issued transit visas for Japan, and the Japanese Immigration Office
will not give them permit to enter Japan. So I request you not to issue
entry visa to seemingly refugees unless they finished due process of entry
to the destination and at the same time, unless they have enough money for
the travel and the stay in our country.
Most of the Jews from Poland could not get their money returned from
banks where they had made deposits, because banks controlled by Nazi Germany
did not permit it, which means that most of them were not better than “refugees"
when they came to Lithuania. And so if Chiune Sugihara had not issued the
visas against the directives of the Minister, almost all the Jews who came
to the Japanese Consulate in the summer of 1940 would have been the victims
６） In Japan there is no specified law on the freedom of speech, which
defines more than the very abstract clause of Article Twenty One of the
Constitution of Japan, which borrows the clause from the U. S. Constitution,
Amendment One. So the Japanese mass media, especailly tabloid papers and
weekly magazines have violated privacy saying that they have right to “freedom
７） April 29, 1998 NHK TV Education's Program “Views and Opinions" (21:50-22:00):
A Verbatim Transcript of Sophia University Professor Shoichi Watanabe's
“A New Perspective on the Relationship Between the Japanese and Jews"
“The Jews and the Japanese" was the magnus opus of the late Shichihei
Yamamoto; it was a comparative thesis of the two peoples. I would like to
speak on the relationship of the two here today.
While Jews and Japanese have rarely interacted with one another, I
believe it is true that their relationship has been quite cordial.
Let me cite one instance: the foreign currency necessary for Japan
to prepare for the Russo-Japanese War, in other words, the sum it had to borrow
from abroad to facilitate its war effort was some 10 million pounds Sterling.
And the only country which Japan could acquire such funds at the time was
England. The vice chairman of the Bank of Japan, Korekiyo Takahashi, traveled
to London to raise the money, but he was only able to acquire half the amount
needed. At a banquet one evening, however, Mr. Takahashi related his woes
to a man who happened to be seated next to him. The next day, that same man
came to visit the vice chairman with the news that he was willing to loan
the remaining £5 million.
This man's name was Schiff, and he happened to manage Kuhnlieb, a
Jewish-owned bank based in America. It is said that Mr. Schiff informed
Korekiyo Takahashi that he was genuinely concerned about the plight of the
Jews in Europe, that he was worried about their fate, and that Russia was
the most anti-Semitic of all European countries.
Their encounter just happened to coincide with a pogrom in Odessa,
which resulted in the murder of a number of Jews. Mr. Schiff explained that,
since Japan was at war with Russia, he would like to do his part to help the
Japanese and so he promptly offered the £5 million. The loan enabled Japan
to financially strengthen its preparations for the ensuing conflict. That
a nameless Jewish banker provided such sum to the vice chairman of the Bank
of Japan was, in my view, extremely significant.
In World War II, moreover, Jews were being relentlessly persecuted
by the Nazis. The Third Reich sought Japan's cooperation in shutting out the
Jews, but it refused. Japan replied that as a country advocating that racial
discrimination be discontinued since the peace treaty ending World War I,
it would uphold its policy and not discriminate against the Jewish people.
I thank the Sankei Shimbun Newspaper for its recent coverage of this.
The Japanese government provided asylum to approximately 20,000 Jews who
fled the Holocaust through the Siberian Railway. Nazi Germany had repeatedly
requested that the exodus be halted, but Japan went on with it, accepted
the Jews and helped save their lives. These refugees arrived in Tsuruga,
Japan from Vladivostok, moved to Kobe and then to Shanghai. In this way,
the lives of thousands of Jews were rescued. All told, the number of Jews
extricated by the Japanese government amounts to the tens of thousands.
On the other hand, although there may have been many people in England
and America who sympathized with the plight of the Jewish people, there
were cases in which these two countries refused to come forward and help
Jews; they just stood by and watched them be murdered.
For instance, at the height of the Nazi persecution, some 1,000 Jews
sought to escape to safety from Hamburg on the St. Louis. However, neither
England nor the U. S. allowed the ship to enter port: After two months of
sailing to and fro under the watchful eye of the Coast Guard, the St. Louis
was forced to return to Germany. The German Jews on the ship were sent to
concentration camps and ultimately to Auschwitz.
So the only sovereign nation which clearly did not persecute the Jews,
perhaps the only country to provide preferential treatment to these people
then was Japan. Yet Japan has been subject to the worst abuse in the postwar
period, largely because there has been a misconception that, as a signatory
of the Tripartite Pact, our country was somehow involved in the same persecution
of Jews as the Nazis. Yet the opposite is true: Japan was the only country,
in spite of protests from its allies, to truly extend humanitarian aid to
the Jews. This actually happened.
Incidentally, when I took my family to England, I was able to meet
my landlord. He was an old Jewish man who fought as a soldier in World War
II. After we signed the rental agreement, we shared a cup of tea and he said,
“I understand that the Japanese never touched the assets of Jews during
the war." He seemed quite impressed by this.
Of course, the Japanese didn't know the difference between a person
of Jewish descent and any other foreigner, and due to the Japanese government's
standing policy against racial discrimination, we never confiscated Jewish-owned
assets. This fact should have provided postwar Japan with enormous diplomatic
advantage. The only thing is, after its defeat in World War II, Japan never
recognized its wartime treatment of Jews could be exploited to achieve its
foreign policy objectives.
One Japanese in Lithuania issued several thousand visas to Jewish
refugees. But this man did not do so on his own; the visas were issued in
accordance with standing policy of the Japanese government at the time.
This man, a Mr. Sugihara, is widely respected by the Jewish people and there
is even a street named after him in Israel. That in itself is fine and he
is really famous among Jews. In fact, among the numerous Jewish refugees
who could escape by Sugihara's help was a man who would later become the
Israeli foreign minister.
Why didn't Japan actively seek to use such Japanese in its postwar
diplomatic efforts? The manner in which Japan interfaced with the Jewish people
after the following and the way it did not fully utilize the diplomatic resources
that it had well; I see them as being fairly inefficient. Moreover, in 1940,
when Japan signed the Tripartite Pact, Kuhnlieb, the bank which lent money
to Korekiyo Takahashi for the Russo-Japanese War, sent two envoys who were
rabbis to Japan. Yet they were given the cold shoulder by the Japanese, and
they left without having discussed anything of importance. If Korekiyo Takahashi
had not been assassinated in the February 26 Incident, and if Japan had been
able to come to terms with Kuhnlieb, then the country may have been able
to find a way out of the oil embargo [without resorting to hostilities, triggering
the Pacific War].
That is why there are no points of contention between Japan and Jewish
people: indeed, relations between the two are very good. In the future,
I believe it would be in Japan's best interests if we could build a society
in which even one of the immensely wealthy Jewish families would want to
emigrate to our country, so that we may be able to raise the quality of life
in Japan. I say this because, while Jews know that they will never be persecuted
in Japan, not one prominent Jewish family has come to settle here. This is
because our tax system places a heavier burden on citizens than in other
countries. And we know of no Jewish Nobel laureates who wish to naturalize.
For Japan to become truly happy and prosperous, we must remake our country
so that wealthy Jews and academically distinguished Jews would like to live
in Japan. (end)
The original Japanese full text follows:
（「新・日本人とユダヤ人」 話者：上智大学教授 渡部昇一氏）
I raised several questions about the speech above. The following
is my first letter to NHK's President Kastuji Ebisawa and the answer to
it in the original text.（日本放送協会への質問）
Answer from Satoshi Horiguchi in charge of the program, representing
８） For detailed reference of Chiune Sugihara's trials and triumph in
Lithuania, see “Rokusen Nin No Inochi No Visa" (Visas for Life) by Yukiko
Sugihara, the late Deputy Consul's wife, published by Asahi Sonorama, Tokyo
1990, and “In Search of Sugihara" by Hillel Levin, published by The Free Press
New York, 1996 (Japanese Edition translated by Kiyoshi Suwa & Teruhisa
Shino, published by Shimizu Shoin, Tokyo, 1998 as “千畝".
９） This was written in the answer dated June 5, 1998 as the response
to my inquiry dated May 16, 1998.
１０） It is legally punishable to criticize someone on the grounds of
his or her race, religion, sex, belief etc. and to speak openly or to publish
such materials containing what is called “hate-speech" and those who commit
such a crime are called “hate-criminals". Such hate-crime is not punished
in Japan unlike in Germany, France, Austria or USA.
１１） The article I contributed to The Asahi Shimbun Newspaper, March
22nd 1980, was later compiled into the anthology of Cambodian Massacre and
News Reports" as本多勝一編『虐殺と報道』（すずさわ書店，1980年 Katsuichi Honda ed.: Gyakusatsu-to-Hodo,
Suzusawa Press, Tokyo, 1980, pp.101-105)
Bastian, Till, 1994: Auschwitz und die “Auschwitz-Luge", C. H. Beck'sche
（Japanese Edition with new contribution of articles translated by Yuji
Ishida, Haruhiko Hoshino & Yoshikazu Shibano, published by Hakusuisha,
Bogusz, Jozef, 1962: Auschwitz, State Medical Publishers, Warsaw（Japanese
Edition translated by Mitsuo Kaneda, published by Japan Medical Journal,
Buckley, Jr., William, 1992: In Search of Anti-Semitism, Continuum New
Buruma, Lan, 1994: Wages of Guilt, Memories of War in Germany and Japan,
Farraar, Strau and Goroux, New York（Japanese edition，イアン・ブルマ著，石井信平訳『戦争の記憶―日本人とドイツ人』TBSブリタニカ，1994年）
Fujioka, Nobukatsu & Society for Historical Liberalism, ed., 1996:
Japanse History Not Written In The School Texdbooks, The Sankei Shimbun
News Service（Original Japanese edition，藤岡信勝・自由主義史観研究会『教科書が教えない歴史』産経新聞ニュースサービス，1996年）
Hilberg, Raul, 1961（Special Edition for Japan 1998）: The Destruction of
the European Jews, Franklin Watts（Japanese Edition translated by Yukio Mochida,
Kazumi Harada & Shigeko Inoue, published by Kashiwa Shobo Press, 1998）ラウル・ヒルバーグ著，望田幸男・原田一美・井上茂子訳『ヨーロッパ・ユダヤ人の絶滅』柏書房，1998年
Hitler, Adolf, 1925: Mein Kampf（Japanese Edition “Waga-Toso" translated
by Ichiro Hirano & Shigeru Shojaku, published by Kadokawa Press, Tokyo,
Kamei, Atsushi, 1983: Inside-Story of Weekly Shincho, Daisanbunmei Press（Original
Kobayashi , Yoshinori，“A”，1998: On the War, Special Declaration of Gohmanism,
Gentosha（Original Japanese edition，小林よしのり『ゴーマニズム宣言・SPECIAL・戦争論』幻冬社，1998年）
Kobayashi , Yoshinori，“B”，1998: Campain for Making New School Textbooks
of History, Fusosha, Tokyo（Original Japanese edition，小林よしのり『新しい歴史教科書を「つくる会」という運動がある』扶桑社，1998年）
Konaka, Yotaro, ed., 1997: Japan in the School Textbooks of Foreign Countries,
Goma Shobo Press（Original Japanese edition，小中陽太郎編『外国の教科書に日本はどう書かれているか』ごま書房，1997年）
Kyodo News Agency, 1996: Chinmoku no File, Kyodo News Agency, Tokyo（Original
Hoss, Rudolf, 1963: Kommandant in Auschwitz, Deutcher Taschenbuch Verlag（Japanese
Edition translated by Keiji Kataoka, published by The Simul Press, Tokyo,
Lanzmann, Claude, 1985: Shoah（Movie, Japanese Book Edition translated by
Taketomo Takahashi published by Sakuhinsha, Tokyo, 1995）クロード・ランズマン著，高橋武智訳『ショアー』作品社，1995年
Levin, Hillel, 1996: In Search of Sugihara, The Free Press New York（Japanese
Edition translated by Kiyoshi Suwa & Teruhisa Shino, published by Shimizu
Shoin, Tokyo, 1998）
Lipstadt, Deborah, 1993: Denying the Holocaust−The Growing Assault on Truth
and Memory, The Free Press New York
Miyazawa Masanori, 1982: On the Japanese Articles of Jews, 2nd Edition,
Shinsensha, Tokyo（Original Japanese Edition “Yudayajin Ronko" 宮沢正典『ユダヤ人論考──日本における論議の追跡』第二版，新泉社，1982年。
Osawa, Takeo, 1995: Hitler & Jews, Kodansha Press, Tokyo（Original Japanese
Perl, William, 1989: The Holocaust Conspiracy: an International Policy
of Genocide, Shapolsky Publishers New York
Ruby, Marcel, 1995 : Le Livre Dela Deportation, Editions Robert Laffonnt,
S.A., Paris（Japanese Edition translated by Kenji Sugano, published by Chikuma
Saito, Michikazu and others, 1982: Oh, Poor! Bungei Shunju, Daisanbunmei
Press（Original Japanese edition，斉藤道一・高崎隆治・柳田邦夫『危うし！？文芸春秋』第三文明社，1982年）
Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1994: A Simon Wiesenthal Report, Holocaust Denial:
Bigotry in the Guise of Scholarship, Simon Wiesenthal Center
Sugihara, Yukiko, 1990: Visas for Life, Asahi Sonorama, Tokyo（Original
Japanese Edition “Rokusennin-no-Inochi-no-Visa" 杉原幸子『六千人の命のビザ』朝日ソノラマ，1990年
Yoshihara, Koichiro, ed., 1977: On The Relations of Weekly Bunshun and
Japanese Cabinet Information Agency, Banseisha Press（Original Japanese edition，吉原公一郎『週刊文春と内閣調査室』晩聲社，1977年）
About the author:
Professor Takesato Watanabe got MA in Journalism and Media Studies at Doshisha
University, Kyoto, Japan in 1969 and is currently teaching Journalism and
Mass Communication at Doshisha University. He is also the organizer of Doshisha
Society for Journalism and Media Studies. For more information, write to
him. His mailing address: Media and Journalism Depertment, Doshisha University,
Kyoto 602-8580, Japan
Phone: 81-29-2614 Fax: 81-775-29-2440
歴史修正主義・自由主義史観（historical revisionism, historical liberalism）